Exploring the Recesses: The Education of A British Protected Child by Chinua Achebe - A Review

It’s been quite a while since I finished a book in days. Aside from having a hectic daily grind, I take numerous notes and explore references while reading. Yet with Achebe’s new piece, I was through in a day and a half, sitting pensively after completion; my mind racing and positively stimulated.


We must collectively thank Achebe for this slim all encompassing volume and for committing his thoughts and well-rounded dissections to paper. Compiled as a collection of essays, the topics ranged from literary to political all of which he delivers through life accounts that link to nationalist, pan-African and global views on race, the problem of perception and their significance to humanity.

I imagine us, a younger generation, seated about him as he recounts stories of people and events in African history, relating them to our experiences today and all the while subtly admonishing that we become cognizant of who we are and from whence we come.

Achebe offers a lucid projection into what has otherwise been a murky topic. Reaching deep into the recesses of history to uncover incidents that have come to define the prevailing condition of African nation states, he acknowledges the problem of leadership as a major part of Africa’s challenges as well as examines the role of education in charting a new course forward.

His considerations on education much like those of Patrick Awuah, cofounder of Ashesi University, call for an educational paradigm that produces a new breed of leaders who emerge from the educational system possessing a deep sense of responsibility rather than an unfounded sense of entitlement.

He explores Africa in terms of its people, noting how a culture of collaboration is inherent within us. “Africa believes in people, in cooperation with people. If the philosophical dictum of Descartes “I think therefore I am” represents a European individualistic ideal, the Bantu declaration “Umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu” represents an African communal aspiration: “A human is human because of other humans.” Essentially, We are, therefore I am.”

He also explores Africa with respect to art and our collective capacities when he notes “… the creative potential in all of us; and of the need to exercise this latent energy again in artistic expression and communal, cooperative enterprises.”

As Achebe notes, “The point of all this is to alert us to the image burden that Africa bears today and make us recognize how that image has molded contemporary attitudes, including perhaps our own, to that continent.” Essentially, we must regain a lost image and do away with the ‘problem of perception’ that has been cast on us.

The Life of A British Protected Child is an easy read. It gives us an elders perspective of what we, a new generation must aspire to but also equips us with enough history to question our predicament as a continent as well as heighten our individual thirsts for historical truths about Africa.The message is simple; in this age of digitally recorded histories, we must tell our own stories. We must explore our creative potential for shaping future attitudes towards Africa and collectively as well as practically embark upon redefining what it means to be African.

Calculated Optimism: Africa's Growing Young Population, Demographic Dividends, and the African Renaissance Part 2.*

by Wilson Aiwuyor



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Africa’s demographic dividends could be enormous and transformative when the continent attains political stability and take due advantage of its booming young population. Africa’s population dynamic indicates that the continent, unlike other regions of the world, would neither face any shortage in domestic labor supply nor worry about the economic burden of an increasingly ageing population for the most part of the 21^st century. By 2050, Africa’s working-age population, which is currently 54% of the continent’s total population, will climb to 62%. In contrast, Europe’s working-age will shrinks from 63% in 2010 to 51% in 2050. European economy policy is already feeling the pinch of an ageing population. One analyst, Tim Colebatch, observes:

European governments have stared into the future, and they don't like it. They see a dwindling European workforce struggling to support a rapidly expanding number of retirees. They see their budget deficits swelling as millions of elderly people force up spending on pensions, health-care and nursing homes, while their populations fall and their tax base shrinks.

Africa will have more than enough workforce to sustain its economy. Europe (and other regions of the world where there is an ageing population) will increasingly need Africa’s surplus labor. In fact, the European Union has opened immigration job centers in parts of Africa.

Additionally, Africa’s population will serve as a vast market for domestic production and to support the global economy. The McKinsey Global Institute forecasts the spread of Africa’s potential demographic dividend beyond the continent in its publication titled Lions on the Move: The Progress and Potential of African Economies. The publication states: “By 2040, it (Africa’s labor force) is projected to reach 1.1 billion, overtaking China’s and India’s. If Africa can provide its young people with the education and skills they need, this large workforce could account for a significant share of both global consumption and production.” This is the Africa that is referred to in the vision for an African Renaissance as enshrined in the Vision of the African Union (AU); an Africa that would be “prosperous and peaceful, an Africa driven and managed by its own citizens and representing a dynamic force in the international arena.”

The Dividends and the Renaissance

The African Renaissance is an age-long vision that requires good governance to translate into reality. The concept of African Renaissance was first used by the Senegalese scholar Cheikh Anta Diop to refer to an Africa that can assert itself politically, economically, and culturally. In his collection of essays, Towards the African Renaissance: Essays in Culture and Development, Diop cited fundamental requirements to achieve the renaissance. Among these requirements were continental integration and economic viability. In another book, Black Africa: The Economic and Cultural Basis for a Federated State, published in 1974, Diop presented an elaborate blueprint for the achievement of the African renaissance.

 Similarly, Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana’s first independent president and champion of Africa’s decolonization movement, made a compelling case for Africa’s unity and economic integration geared toward continental transformation. Meanwhile, earlier in 1963, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah had proposed in his book, Africa Must Unite, that a united Africa should integrate and pool its resources to put an end to economic dependency and conflicts.

In 1995, Nelson Mandela asserted that Africa was moving into a “new era of renaissance.” This statement marked the re-emergence of the vision that was articulated by Diop and Nkrumah decades earlier. After Mandela’s reference to the Renaissance in 1995, the concept gradually became the overarching term for the vision to bring about a united, stable, peaceful, and prosperous Africa; an Africa that can improve the quality of life of its citizens and give the continent a pride of place in the global community.

The vision of the African Renaissance and the paradox that Africa is the future of the world are no joke. In May 2010, French President Sarkozy said it point blank during the Africa-France Summit that, "Africa is our future." Former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown buttressed Sarkozy's statement.

--> "Future growth in the world economy, and future jobs in the developing world, will depend on harnessing both the productive potential and the pent-up consumer demand of this continent," asserted Brown. Advanced economies in the West and developing countries in the global south, including China, India, and Brazil are now seeking new ways to either assert or re-assert themselves in Africa - a development that some analysts refer to as a new scramble for Africa's resources. Despite the scramble for Africa's natural resources, the continent's greatest asset remains its human resources anchored on its booming youth population.

Indeed, the enthronement of good governance and investment in human resource across Africa would better position the continent to reap the demographic dividends and achieve the African Renaissance. Again, high population growth rate is not Africa’s fundamental problem. Africa is not overpopulated. African leaders should be made to govern well and implement adequate social policies to improve education, health care delivery, infrastructural development, human capital development, and the empowerment of African women.

* This is the second of a two-part article. Read part 1 here

Calculated Optimism: Africa's Growing Young Population, Demographic Dividends, and the African Renaissance (Part 1)*

by Wilson Idahosa Aiwuyor

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Africa’s population has exceeded 1 billion, and is projected to top 2 billion by 2050. In addition to having the highest population growth rate, Africa is one of the regions with the highest proportion of young population. According to United Nations World Population Prospects: The 2008 Revision, 60% of Africa’s population is less than 25 years old. Only 5% of Africa’s population falls within the age range of 60 to 80 years old, compared with, say, Europe whose figure for the same age group is 26%. Consequently, while Africa’s population doubles by 2050, Europe’s, which is currently over 700 million, will shrink to 691 million. What are the economic implications of Africa’s population dynamic? Is there any correlation between Africa’s burgeoning young population and the realization of the African Renaissance – which is the vision to transform the continent into a prosperous, stable, and integrated

continent?

The purpose of this article is to show that Africa could reap enormous demographic dividends from its young and fast growing population if over the next decade leaders on the continent embrace good governance and implement adequate social policies targeting improvement in education, health care, infrastructure, and women empowerment.

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Some analysts have expressed concern over Africa’s population trend, claiming that the continent is overpopulated. They are, understandably, concerned about the strains of Africa’s population on the environment and natural resources. They caution against the effects of overpopulation on poverty reduction effort and on the continent’s overall capacity to sustain its people. But Africa’s population dynamic must be put in simplified statistical perspective in relation to other regions of the world in order to answer questions about sustainability, poverty and overpopulation.

Is Africa Really Overpopulated?

The 2010 World Population Data Sheet reveals that Africa has a population density of 34 people per square kilometer. With a population density of 170 people per square kilometer, Western Europe is five times more densely populated than Africa. The European Union, on the other hand, has a population density of 115 people per square kilometre, making it more than three times as densely populated as Africa. Yet, unlike Africa, neither Western Europe nor the EU bloc is considered overpopulated in popular discourse.

With a total area of over 30.3 million square kilometers, Africa has more than enough space to accommodate the geographical areas of China, India, US, Western Europe, and Argentina combined – whose total areas is about 29.9million square kilometers. Meanwhile, Africa’s present population is less than half the 3.6 billion people in China, India, US, Argentina, and Western Europe combined. In essence, it is counter-intuitive to regard Africa as overpopulated when other regions that have more than twice Africa’s population within a smaller area are not considered overpopulated.

Between Overpopulation and Sustainability

Africa has only 15% of global population but possesses 60% of the world’s uncultivated arable land. The continent holds 20% of the world’s natural resources. If Africa’s area alone can accommodate China, India, US, Western Europe, and Argentina, whose combined 3.6 billion population is more than half the world population, then the continent should be able to sustain a population that would be about 2.1 billion in 40 years.

Thus, the focus should be on good governance and responsible leadership. With good governance and adequate social policy, Africa can build the capacity to properly manage its resources, develop its human capacity, and maintain a sustainable population growth. There are enormous benefits to be accrued to the continent if African governments invest heavily in education, health care, infrastructure development, youth development and women empowerment. In fact, education and female empowerment alone can significantly regulate Africa’s population within sustainable proportion.

*This is the first of a two-part article. Read Part 2 here

The Share Culture

When we combine our interests, the things we love to do and our expertise, the things we’re really good at. We find ourselves in a realm of constant innovation; something Sir Ken Robinson refers to as being in ‘The Element’ in his book of the same title.

More than likely we will find ourselves working together with people who have similar interests, even if their disciplines are different, towards a common objective.

These collaborative endeavors are usually driven by the need to inspire some sort of change.  It could be a change in attitude, perception or more practically a change in social and/or economic conditions.

Any collaborative group shares a set of similar non-inherent qualities, essentially making them interconnected ‘tribes’ of individuals whose association is not based on shared lineage or language but on shared interests; a fact noted by Swedish professors Ridderstrale and Nordstrom in their book Funky Business Forever.

The culture of sharing has been promoted in large part by modern communication technologies and systems which have facilitated a shift in the position of individuals from mere users into producers and from passive receptors of information into active contributors to public discourse.

With this rise in the culture of sharing, we can thus more realistically envision a future in which whatever work we do for a living is not only something that earns you a paycheck but also something you enjoy or something you can combine creatively with your whatever interests you.

In an atmosphere of shared ideas innovation becomes the norm, thereby making the task of problem solving much easier. Sharing increases our catalytic potential to successfully deal with challenges. It’s not about one person with an idea; it’s about collective intelligence. Sharing ideas has already begun to create new ‘tribes’ of trendsetters and innovators. You know who you are.

The potential of our shared energy to effect real and positive change on the continent is unlimited. To all the change agents out there, here’s to a collaborative future.

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Seun Aladese is a student of Communication and Media at the New Jersey Institute of Technology. He is a member of the Albert Dorman Honors College and can be reached at saladese@gmail.com

The Impending Democratic Revolution in Nigeria

by Wilson Idahosa Aiwuyor

Signs of revolution are in the air in Nigeria, but not the kind of revolution that Prof. Ben Nwabueze recently argued for. During the launching of his book in Lagos, Prof. Nwabueze, member of President Goodluck Jonathan’s Presidential Advisory Council (PAC) asserted that only a bloody and violent revolution would reverse the pervasive decadence in governance in Nigeria. One could understand Prof. Nwabueze’s frustration over the looting spree and corruption among the ruling class who have neglected the welfare of the ordinary Nigerian. But if history remains a good teacher, there is no certainty that any bloody revolution would solve Nigeria’s problems. All the retrogressive military coups that have taken place in Nigeria as well as the country’s three year civil war (1967-1970) were executed in the name of bringing about revolutionary change. Yet, none could solve the country’s problems. Nigeria should and would have a revolution, it ought not be violent.

If the necessary preconditions are fulfilled, Nigeria’s impending revolution could be through the ballot boxes at a crossroad - possibly by 2015 - where there would be a convergence between divine force (force majeure) and the determined efforts by Nigerians to make a break with politics as usual. This revolution need not conform to the old sense of revolution, which is often a violent and bloody change executed by self-proclaimed revolutionaries.

A New Sense of Revolution

The conventional notion of revolution, which suggests that it must be violent or bloody, is being epistemologically and ontologically challenged. In "Barack and 21^st Century Politics: A Revolutionary Moment in the USA," veteran peace activist and pan-Africanist Horace Campbell “interrogates the traditional sense of revolution, which is often the violent overthrow of existing order by self-proclaimed revolutionaries." Campbell draws on contemporary realities to "relocate revolution within the context of fundamental transformation in the society, sustained by a consciousness of the challenges of the moment bound to a new form of thinking among the rank and file of the society." The democratic revolution that could take place in Nigeria come 2015 would be characterized by a fundamental shift in the nation's polity orchestrated by a change in the thinking and political consciousness of the rank and file of the Nigerian society as it relates to leadership and the obligations of elected officials.

Besides Nigeria’s polity being awash with corruption and misrule, the country, since its return to democratic rule in1999 after decades of military dictatorship, has passed through many turbulent times that threatened to tear it apart. The most recent of such turbulences was witnessed when former President Yar’Adua was ill. It could be argued that what Nigeria has experienced over the last ten years has been democratic transitioning. Having survived this turbulent transitioning, Nigeria’s democracy has now gotten to a point that could launch the country into the next level of democratic governance.

This next level of democratic rule would be made possible by a dramatic change in the political realities of Nigeria, marking a break with the old paradigm of leadership in the country. This change would be reinforced by a renewed sense of optimism and confidence, among Nigerians, in the possibility of realizing a better Nigeria through a people-centered participatory democracy. This may not be easy to come by, but patriotic Nigerians will be more than ever willing to transform their optimism into reality and reclaim the country from the stranglehold of those politicians and remnants of the military era who have held the country hostage for so long. This change could usher in a new generation of leaders and technocrats who have a better understanding of how to prioritize the welfare of the people and reposition Nigeria in the global arena in the 21^st century.

It important to note that this revolution would not produce a utopia, neither would it solve Nigeria’s problems overnight. But it has the prospect of opening up the political space for addressing the grievances and the needs of the people within the confines of democracy. In essence, it holds the potential of transforming the relationship between the government and the people. But there are preconditions for this revolution to materialize.

Preconditions for the Revolution

The ability to translate the imminent democratic revolution into reality is predicated on a divine factor and two human preconditions. The divine factor (force majeure) was once seen in action when the supposedly invincible dictator Gen. Sani Abacha, who was an obstacle to Nigeria’s return to democracy, was taken down by the divine power of God in 1998. This same force came as the deus ex machina (hand of God) that rescued the country from the machinations of elements who, for selfish reasons, did not mind the implosion of the country instead of resolving the constitutional crisis that fell out of former President Yar’Adua’s sickness.

The human factors are hinged on first, the forerunner of the revolution - President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration and its ability to carry out the reforms that will prepare the ground for the change in leadership paradigm. This shifting paradigm would infuse confidence in Nigerians that the realization of a better Nigeria within the confines of democracy is within reach. The build up to this confidence would be the practical assurance of the people through the conduct of the 2011 elections that their votes count.

The second human factor is the prerequisite change in Nigerians’ attitude to strongly espouse an action-backed optimism for the possibility of a democratic revolution in the country. The reference memory for this optimism and action could be found in Nigerians' relentless struggle against military rule, a human struggle that was complemented by the divine force culminating in the eventual enthronement of democracy in 1999. In this renewed struggle to take democracy to the next level, Nigerians should put into consideration the words of Alex Steffen:

Where no one believes a better solution is possible, those benefiting from the continuation of a problem are safe. Where no one believes in the possibility of action, apathy becomes an insurmountable obstacle to reform. But introduce intelligent reasons for believing that action is possible, that better solutions are available, and that a better future can be built, and you unleash the power of people to act out of their highest principles. Shared belief in a better future is the strongest glue there is.

Indeed, at the core of this attitudinal change is Nigerians’ ability to look at the little progress that is being made and acknowledge that the glass is half full, while vigorously working to make it full; Nigerians must avoid the dangerous alternative of seeing the glass as half empty, they must desist from the rhetoric and actions of cutting corners for cataclysmic changes in an attempt to make the glass full overnight.

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lWilson Idahosa Aiwuyor is a researcher, consultant, and strategist. He could be reached at aiwudaho@gmail.com.

Kwame Nkrumah Centenary Colloquium: Rendezvous of Africa’s Past, Present and Future

by Wilson Idahosa Aiwuyor

On May 22 to 25, a centenary colloquium was held in Ghana to wrap up months of activities commemorating the 100th birthday anniversary of the late Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of Ghana and foremost champion of African liberation and unity. Jointly organized by the government of Ghana and the African Union, the three day colloquium, which was held at the Accra International Conference Center, was a meeting point of Africa’s past, present, and future. The theme of the colloquium was apt: “Contemporary Relevance of Kwame Nkrumah’s Contribution to Pan-Africanism and Internationalism.” Many ideas and philosophies of Dr. Nkrumah were critically examined within the context of Nkrumah’s time as well as in their practical import to contemporary African realities. These philosophies include Nkrumah’s belief in radical approach to development through investment in human resources and in infrastructure development; his championing of an all-African agenda for liberation, reconstruction, and transformation; and his actions on bridging the gap between the Diaspora and the home front in the emancipation and development of the African personhood. Also brought to the fore was Nkrumah’s long term visionary planning that has now made his admirers and critiques alike to agree that he was far ahead of his time.

Extolling Nkrumah’s philosophies at the colloquium were prominent intellectuals, veteran freedom fighters, activists and leaders, including President John Atta Mills of Ghana; President Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal; the Deputy Chairperson of the AU Commission, Dr Erastus Mwencha; Prof. Isaa Shivji, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere Research Chair in Pan-African Studies at the University of Dar es Salaam; Horace Campbell, veteran pan-Africanist/peace activist and professor of political science and African American studies at Syracuse University, New York; and Dr. Yao Graham of the Third World Network. Also present were leaders of African decolonization movement and contemporaries of Nkrumah, prominent amongst whom was 93 year old Kenneth Kaunda, the leader of the Zambian independence movement and first president of Zambia.

Kenneth Kaunda on the Nkrumah Method of Liberation
Kenneth Kaunda, the author of the popular book "Zambia Shall be Free," a personal friend and contemporary of Nkrumah reflected on what he called the “Nkrumah method of liberation,” and pointed out its relevance in the fight against Africa’s numerous contemporary problems. When Ghana gained its independence in 1957, Nkrumah asserted that Ghana’s independence was meaningless unless the entire African continent was free from colonial shackles. Kaunda narrated how Nkrumah led the Pan-African agenda to give assistance to freedom fighters across the continent. This approach was instrumental to the decolonization of Zambia and the entire Africa. The imperative of this Nkrumah method in confronting Africa’s problems in the 21st century cannot be overemphasized.

President Kaunda made a passionate plea for African leaders and peoples to confront Africa’s contemporary challenges, including the scourge of HIV/AIDS, with the collective approach of Nkrumah. Kaunda punctuated his speeches with inspiring songs of liberation, including one that Nkrumah had taught them: Forward Ever. He emphasized the centrality of women’s emancipation to the goal of Africa’s development, and charged present and future leaders of Africa with the task of learning from the strengths and weaknesses of past generation for the realization of the ideals that Nkrumah and Africa’s freedom fighters stood for.

President Abdoulaye Wade and Pan-Africanism
As a student leader, President Abdoulaye Wade was influenced by the intellectual and Pan-African thoughts of Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah. Wade has since remained an Nkrumaist and Pan-Africanist in his own right. What stood out about President Wade at the colloquium was his vocal stance on African unity and his efforts to popularize African unity among young people. Wade came to the colloquium with a large contingent of Senegalese youths, who seemed to be very enthusiastic about the ideas of Kwame Nkrumah. Wade’s approach in this regard is commendable as it reflects an attempt to bridge the historical dichotomy between Francophone and Anglophone Africa created by colonialism. As chair of the session on “Ideas and Vision” on Monday May 24, President Wade declared his full support for preserving the ideas and vision of Kwame Nkrumah. He personally called on African leaders to do more to popularize the Pan-African vision and ideas of Nkrumah, and to ensure the actualization of the goal of continental integration for the benefit of the peoples of Africa.

Nkrumah and the New Scramble for Africa
The contemporary relevance of Nkrumah’s idea – that only a united Africa would be able to resist foreign manipulations and balkanization – was reechoed by Dr. Yao Graham. In his paper, “Nkrumah’s Development Vision and the New Scramble for Africa,” Dr. Graham pointed out that the present competitive thrust of world powers and emerging economies into the continent reflects a new scramble for the continent and its resources. Nkrumah had advocated a collective economic and foreign policy that would leverage Africa’s position in world affairs and global political economy. And there is no better time for Africa to embrace Nkrumah's recommendations. Nkrumah warned against the formation of economic blocs by African states with their former colonial masters. Dr. Graham particularly pointed out the economic sabotage and anti-integration effects of African states’ economic partnership agreements (EPAs) with Europe. The terms of agreement of these EPAs negate the goal of regional integration on the continent. Many of these EPAs support open integration, which is championed by external actors and meant to integrate Africa into globalization in a manner that undermine trade and economic integration among African states. Translating into action Nkrumah’s idea of continental unity and integration is indispensable in Africa’s struggle against the new scramble for the continent.

The Scientific Dimension of Pan-Africanism in the 21st Century
As pointed out by one speaker at the colloquium, “the real roots of Pan-Africanism lay in the bottom of the slave ships where Africans were packed.” Through Pan-Africanism, Africans at home and in the Diaspora have struggled to assert their human dignity and promote their culture and knowledge system, even in the face of the use of pseudo-science to justify the inferiority of the African personhood. In his paper, “Towards an Africa without Borders in the 21st Century: The Inspiration of Kwame Nkrumah,” Professor Horace Campbell illuminated the challenges to Africa’s liberation in the 21st century that necessitate the consideration of the scientific dimension of Pan-Africanism. Africa's numerous challenges do not respect the artificial borders drawn by the colonizers. For Africa to transform, and for the continent to maintain the dignity of the African personhood in the 21st century, we must consider the promotion of scientific endeavors as an integral part of Pan-Africanism. Phenomena such as global warming, the development of alternative sources of energy, and the use of scientific knowledge to preserve planet earth and advance the goal of shared humanity require the reconceptualization of old forms of knowledge and the promotion of aspects of African knowledge system that have been downgraded for centuries. Africa must not remain on the sideline of scientific advancement.

In the present era of genetic perdition and attempts by some scientists to produce superhumans and designers babies, there should be well trained scientist from Africa to raise questions about the future of the black race and humanity in general. Nkrumah was engaged with the development of human resources for solutions to societal problems. The 21st century Pan-Africanist must recognize the importance of science and the centrality of the development of African knowledge system to the goal Africa’s transformation.

African Youths, Nkrumaism, and the Future of the Continent
The centenary colloquium commenced on May 22 with a youth summit on the topic, “The Grand Debate: Continental Government Now or in the Future?” The youth summit produced a communiqué which was presented to the Deputy Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Erastus Mwencha, by the Secretary of the All Africa Students Union, Abdul Karim Hakib. In the communiqué, the youths who were drawn from the Diaspora and the Eastern, Western, Northern, Southern, and Central regions of Africa embraced the Pan-African idea of Nkrumah. They acknowledged that “a Union Government (for Africa) as a vehicle for the socio-political and economic development of the continent is imperative and long overdue.” They called upon African governments to take urgent steps towards the realization of a continental Union Government and for the implementation of the numerous charters and protocols that promote continental integration, especially the African Youth Charter. After presenting the communiqué to Dr. Mwencha, Abdul Karim Hakib made a passionate plea on behalf of African youths for the availability of books by Nkrumah to African youths. This plea was very significant given the contemporary relevance of Nkrumah’s philosophy and ideas as far as continental integration is concerned. Indeed, if all African youths could embrace Nkrumah’s humanist and Pan-African ideas, the future of continental unity would be much brighter.

Hope beyond the African Liberation
“There is hope; continue and finish.” This was the admonition of Ambassador Thompson Doddly, a contemporary and friend of Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, to the younger generation of Africans. This hope was what I saw as I sat with other Africans from home and the Diaspora to celebrate the African Liberation Day and wreath laying ceremony in honor of the deceased African liberation fighters at the Kwame Nkrumah Memorial Park on Tuesday May 25. The journey of Africa's liberation has been tough. Despite the numerous challenges, some progress has been made. President Kaunda laid a wreath on behalf of Africa’s past freedom fighters while current African leaders such as and Ghana’s Vice President Dramani Mahama and Erastus Mwencha of the African Union laid theirs on behalf of the people of Ghana and Africa. Abdul Karim Hakib laid a wreath on behalf of African youths. This was a significant moment that symbolizes the confluence of the past, the present, and the future of Africa. The philosophies of Osagyefo Dr Kwame Nkrumah remain relevant to the present and future transformation of Africa. The hope for the translation of these philosophies into practical reality lies with the younger generation of Africans. The baton is being passed.

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Wilson Idahosa Aiwuyor is a student of International Relations. He is a Public Policy and International Affairs Fellow at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University. He could be reached at aiwudaho@gmail.com.

Reclaiming Nigeria: A Task that Must Be Done

by Wilson Idahosa Aiwuyor

Nigeria has been held hostage by selfish leaders who seem to have taken the country as a personal property. It is left to the people to confront these politicians, reclaim our nation and make it a united and prosperous country that is responsive to our dreams and aspirations. Writing in 2008, the Nigerian scholar, Dr. Adekeye Adebajo stated that, “Nigeria, the most populous country and one of the most powerful states in Africa, is a Gulliver; and the Lilliputians have been Nigeria’s leaders, whose petty ambitions and often inhumane greed have prevented this country of enormous potential from fulfilling its leadership aspiration and development potential.” Dr. Adebajo’s observation vividly portrays the present situation in the country. Indeed Nigeria is a giant, but one that has been tied down by the petty ambitions of leaders who now threaten to reduce it to a midget. However, we can seize the opportunity that the current situation offers to mobilize the people and non-violently reclaim our country from anti-democratic Lilliputian leadership. There is no better time to tap into the energy and determination with which we fought against military dictatorship to save our country from the brink of collapse.

Instead of serving the people, most of our leaders have shown little or no regard for Nigerians, while exploiting our sweat and wealth to consolidate their grip on power. Even after we fought hard to enthrone democracy, following decades of military dictatorship, our civilian leaders still deny us the dividends of democracy. The recent actions of President Musa Yar’Adua and the response of the National Assembly demonstrate that country is just a “neo-colony” of the ruling class who are more interested in securing their political careers and other personal interests than in listening to the voice of the people; they are blind to the tears and agonies of suffering Nigerians at home and abroad.

For President Yar’Adua to have disregarded constitutional procedures and went to Saudi Arabia for medical treatment for more than ninety days is an abuse of power. Equally abusive was the refusal of the National Assembly and Yar’Adua’s loyalists to place national interest above their political careers by invoking the relevant sections of the constitution to fill the leadership vacuum. Since President Yar’Adua was flown into the country in secrecy, Nigerians have been kept in the dark about his capability to continue as president, and the members of the National Assembly still shy away from their role in demanding accountability from the executive branch. This is the same government that had spent our resources on public relations effort to ‘rebrand’ the nation before the eyes of the world.

Failure of the Rebranding, Myth of Balkanization

In light of the current crises, no gainsaying that the rebranding effort has failed woefully. The vacuum created by Yar’Adua’s unconstitutional medical leave left us with no president figure to speak for the country, thus contributing to the successful branding or “mutallabization” of Nigerians when the US placed the nation on its terrorist watch list, following the attempted Christmas day bombing of a US-bound plane by one “bad head” called Farouk Umar Abdulmutallab. The series of massacre in Jos is not only stigmatizing our image further, but also contributes to the heating up of the polity. It is now clear that any effort to rebrand Nigeria without confronting the country’s fundamental problems constitutes a scam, a waste of resources, and a play on the intelligence of Nigerians.

The brewing crises and failure of leadership have prompted some people to believe that the panacea is to divide up the country. Muammar Gaddafi, the lunatic Libyan dictator who masquerades as a Pan Africanist, is one those calling for the balkanization of Nigeria along the fault lines of religion. Gaddafi, who was so bent on using Africa’s unity for self aggrandizement, dreads the power and influence of a strong and united Nigeria under the control of people-oriented leadership. Make-believe pan-Africanists like Gaddafi lack the foresight to understand that a strong, stable, and united Nigeria is invaluable to Africa’s unity and stability. Elements opposed to Nigeria’s unity and prosperity tap into religious, ethnic, and regional difference to incite violence. We have to be vigilant and resistant to the evil machinations of such elements, whether domestic and foreign.

Nigerians are intelligent enough to understand that splitting up our country will likely amount to dividing the fundamental problem of anti-people leadership and lack of accountability into different entities without necessarily making a break with the recursion of these problems in the supposedly utopian entities to be derived. Even the division of Nigeria into 36 countries could amount to creating 36 “neo-colonies” for the ruling elites who would replicate the pattern of political leadership and problems that we are currently experiencing. India and Pakistan are respectively locked in internal group/class struggles, and are still in conflict with each other decades after separating into two countries. If balkanization were the answer, then the most peaceful nations in Africa would be the little independent states in the great lakes region of Africa, including Rwanda, Burundi, and Uganda. Ironically, the most gruesome genocides in Africa’s recent history have occurred in that region. Balkanization is not the answer. We must organize to reclaim our nation.

Organize, Don’t Agonize

The critical moment we are in demands that we should not be passive or continue to agonize. Nigerians, especially the youth, must organize and non-violently mobilize to reclaim the ownership of our country from its current hostage situation. We have to mobilize from the grassroots to confront our politicians the same way we did the military dictators. The reclaiming of Nigeria is not an event. It is a process. A point of departure for this process is an end to the current constitutional crisis and the full implementation of the Uwais report on electoral reform. We must make sure that our politicians carry out subsequent constitutional and institutional reforms that would make our government work for us.

We can do this by means of grassroots mass mobilization organized through credible organizations such as the Save Nigeria Group (SNG). The SNG is a coalition of civil society and religious organizations led by pro-democracy personalities, including Prof. Wole Soyinka; human rights lawyer Femi Falana; and Pastor Tunde Bakare. The SNG rallied for an acting president when our leaders had refused to fill the vacuum left by Yar’Adua’s absence, and it was granted. They demanded that Acting President Goodluck Jonathan dissolve the feuding Federal Executive Council, and we have gotten it. Nigerians home and abroad should support and build on the momentum and the mobilization networks of the SNG. The SNG should take greater advantage of social networking tools like Facebook, and build strong links with young Nigerians at home and abroad who want to reclaim their country. The mobilization network of the SNG should be cascaded in a self-similar pattern across the nation, and well coordinated to ensure that it does not turn violent, as violence begets violence. Student groups, labor and professional organizations, women groups, Nollywood, and young Nigerian artists should also be actively engaged by the SNG. And we must figure out mechanisms to sustain the Group’s broad coalition and activities.

Regardless of our religion, ethnicity, and region, all Nigerians want to be treated as human beings. We want to have the kind of democratic leadership that would make us secure, give us a sense of dignity and restore our integrity before the eyes of the world. We want leaders who would respect us and respect the letters and spirit of our constitution. The success of our reclaiming the country is predicated on such leadership. The present situation in the country offers a unique opportunity to set this process in motion. And we must not fail to take good advantage of it.

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Wilson Idahosa Aiwuyor is a student of International Relations. He is also a Public Policy and International Affairs (PPIA) Fellow at the Woodrow Wilson School of Princeton University.